The First Hundred Years of the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band

 

The first hundred years of the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band: A ‘Community of Discovery’ approach to participatory action research.

 © Sandra Kirkwood, Director, Music Health Australia

B.Mus., B. Occ. Thy, M.Phil.

Presented on 28/11/2008 at International Association for the Study of Popular Music ANZ Symposium, Southbank Campus of Griffith University, Southbank, Brisbane.

Photograph 1: 4ZZZ Radio interview: centennial history of the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band (Sandra Kirkwood, Joe McGee)

INTRODUCTION

The Caledonian Society of Ipswich formed a uniformed pipe and drums band in 1909 that eventually became known as the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band. As the second-oldest pipe band in Queensland, the members of the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band have remarkable stories to tell about their hundred year history. I received a commission from Arts Queensland and the Ipswich City Council to help the band research and write a book for their centennial celebrations in 2009.  This article is a critical reflection culturally engaged participatory action research processes that I used as a Music Health professional (occupational therapist, ethnomusicologist). In discussing this project, I will also describe the inter-cultural relationships and complexity of practice within the broader socio-ecological context.

LITERATURE ON PIPE BANDS IN AUSTRALASIA

Several pipe bands have produced small factual books about their history, such as the Pipes and Drums of the Royal Caledonian Society of South Australia 1894-1994 (Morgan, 1994), the Warwick Caledonian Society Centenary 1871-1971 (McKey, 1972), the Tasmanian Police Pipe Band (Ames, 2006), The Clan MacLeod of Australasia Pipe Band (MacLeod, 2003), the Highland Pipe Bands Association of New Zealand 1928-1953 (Thomas, 1954), the Western Australia Police Pipe Band 1966-2006 (Stanbury, 2006), and the Victorian Police Pipe Band 1936-1986 (Evans, 1986). The history of pipe bands is longer in the southern states of Australia, than in Queensland, but there are very few written accounts of pipe band music traditions from a state or national perspective, apart from Archie Galloway’s Queensland Piping Reminiscences (1972), and A Brief History of the Australian Federation of Pipe Band Associations (1985). Most of the histories are written from the authoritative stance of a single author who is internal to the pipe band community.

 

A more general article of ‘Scottish music’ appears in the Currency Companion to Music and Dance in Australia (Whiteoak and Scott-Maxwell, 2003). Some higher degree research has been completed in New Zealand about specific aspects of highland bagpipe music (Coleman, 1996) and dancing (O'Donnell, 1998). While such accounts are important to the accumulation systematic analysis of knowledge on the pipe band tradition, I would argue that the living traditions of pipe band music are kept alive through people’s performances, recollections, stories, private collections of newspaper articles, band memorabilia, and music recordings. Much of the private insights and personal creative processes are generally not accessible to the public outside of pipe band communities. The living traditions are perpetuated through social interactions in band halls and through performances at concerts, pipe band contests and highland gatherings – which are a rich source of intangible cultural heritage.

The role of assisting communities to creatively explore and engage with their music heritage and culture is quite new for Music Health professionals. There are recent studies of the physiology of playing bagpipes to promote better music performance (Barr et al., 2005; Lederman, 1998). Less attention had been given, however, to participatory action research that supports and enables pipe band communities to consider their history, reflect on current practice, and plan for future band development. There are some parallels between facilitation of cultural engagement and applied ethnomusicology (Hayward, 2005; Sheehy, 1992). Daniel Sheehy describes the purpose of applied ethnomusicology as “larger than advancement of knowledge about the music of the world’s people; a purpose that answers the next question, To what end?; a purpose that shapes our action into concrete lines of strategy that are not preconceived or predetermined by an absolute idea of what these actions should be (ibid.: 323-324).”

PARTICIPATORY ACTION RESEARCH

Participatory action research (PAR) has been defined as "collective, self-reflective enquiry [that is] undertaken by participants in social situations in order to improve the rationality and justice of their own social...practices" (Kemmis and McTaggart 1988: 5). While PAR has a long history in sociology and behavioural sciences (Wadsworth, 2005), there has been little documentation of how the methods have been applied to music research in Australia, particularly with pipe band communities. PAR methods are of particular interest to health professionals because they correspond with the emphasis of primary health care conventions on assisting people to participate in the planning, and development of their own health care (World Health Organisation, 1978; Baum, 2008). The link between participation in creative community cultural development activities and well-being is under investigation as a strategy for music health promotion (Cohen et al., 2006; Dillon & Stewart, 2006).

The approach that I developed with the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band community was influenced by my past associations with Scottish music and my previous experience of facilitating music memory groups and writing music stories with Indigenous and other Australians within Ipswich (Kirkwood, 2005).  The ethnographic findings are empirical through being grounded in my personal experience and observations of what people said and did. I started with the concept that music is not isolated from the rest of society and that music heritage and culture can be understood as part of a broader socio-ecological system. This study considers a broad temporal perspective of the life of the band that includes not only the past history, but current-day narratives, reflections (autoethnography), and future aspirations as well. The aim of the project was to provide a way to write a book about the hundred year lifespan of the band, but also to inspire positive social action and support the health and well-being of the band through our creative collaboration.

CONTEXT: THE FIRST AUSTRALIANS AND SCOTTISH MUSIC

In taking a broad socio-ecological perspective, the first record of the Ipswich association of Scottish music with Indigenous Australians is considered important to the context of early band development. The Moreton Bay Courier, June 26, 1846 (p. 1) described the arrival of ‘The Experiment,’ the first steamer to travel from Brisbane to Ipswich. No doubt the thirty-seven ton steamer with twelve horse power engine would have certainly attracted the attention of local people (Steele, 1976),

“The Experiment, carrying a party of distinguished passengers, was farewelled from Brisbane by nearly the entire population on 25 June 1846. Soon after reaching Goodna she ran aground, remaining hard and fast until daylight next morning, when she floated off with the tide. On her arrival in Ipswich almost all the inhabitants turned out to cheer her, and a Scotsman in kilt played a spirited air on the bagpipes, amid the howls of a mob of Aborigines terrified by the ‘smoking monster’.” 

It is difficult to imagine what the first Australians would have thought about their experience of the colonial introduction of Scottish music to Ipswich. It culminated in the formation of the Caledonian Society of Ipswich and the first public highland gathering at the Premier of Queensland, Arthur Macalister’s home at Woodend in 1873 (Ipswich and West Moreton Caledonian Society, 1873). The Caledonian Society continued to host highland gatherings and concerts of Scottish music and eventually formed a uniformed pipe and drums band that became known as the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band in 1909. This cultural tradition has had ongoing implications for Indigenous Australians but they have only recently been addressed through music performance.

Rather than outlining the historical details of the continuing Scottish music tradition which will be recorded in our book, Turn of the Century: Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band 1909-2009, I reflect on some observations of how the band has dealt with the complexities of pipe band music in relation to local and global music contexts and the contrasting inter-relationships with Indigenous Australian music culture in Ipswich.

INNOVATIVE ‘CULTURAL INTEGRATION’ IN MUSIC PERFORMANCE

I have selected an innovative performance from the band’s annual Ipswich International Tattoo as an example of inter-cultural interrelationships. The first three Ipswich International Tattoo concerts (2004, 2005 and 2006) included not only Scottish and Irish entertainment, but experimentation with an integrated performance of a pipe band ensemble with Australian highland dancers, and the Ipswich-based Nunukul Yuggera Aboriginal Dance Troupe. 

Nunukul Yuggera was founded by Eddie Ruska and his family in association with the Teen Care, Indigenous Youth Service in 1999. Over the last ten years, Nunukul Yuggera has developed a renowned local and international reputation.  Nunukul people are of the North Stradbroke Island (Mingerribah) area. Yuggera people are of the Ipswich (Toolman) area that extends from south of the Brisbane River to the bottom of the Great Dividing Range. Indigenous music traditions were suppressed throughout the first half of the twentieth century, but Harold Blair, who grew up on the Purga Aboriginal Mission (Ipswich) was the first Indigenous Australian to sing traditional Aboriginal music on the concert stage in Australia, New York, and Europe in 1948-1951 (Harrison, 1975). Nunukul Yuggera has revived the performance of traditional Aboriginal songs that were passed down through the Ruska family (Nunukul Yuggera, 2001).

Nunukul Yuggera performed a “Dreamtime” segment in the Ipswich International Tattoo (2004) that involved a staged fire-lighting ceremony and traditional Aboriginal song and dance. The Dreamtime segment was repeated in the Ipswich International Tattoo in 2005, but there was also a new item that was described as ‘cultural integration’ by Joe McGhee (email to the author 17 November, 2008). Two male dancers from Nunukul Yuggera appeared on stage, with females who danced in Scottish and Irish styles. The men prowled around to the Scottish bagpipe tune “The Cuckoo,” with one of their troupe playing the didgeridoo.  The Aboriginal dancers performed in their traditional style of dance, while the ‘Scottish’ and ‘Irish’ dancers maintained their traditional style of dance. There was a tension however, because the Indigenous dancers resisted stepping in time with the strong beat of the music, possibly to maintain the distinctiveness of their cultural tradition. This is probably the first time that traditional Indigenous dance has been combined with highland dancing and live bagpipe, drums, and didgeridoo accompaniment. It is important to note that many of the dancers were Australian-born and not necessarily immigrants from Scotland or Ireland.  

Joe McGhee, Tattoo producer, introduced yet another innovation at the Ipswich International Tattoo (2006) in which Nunukul Yuggera and the ‘Scottish’ and ‘Irish’ musicians and dancers performed the iconic 1890s Australian song, “Waltzing Matilda” together. Each dancer and musician maintained their own traditional guise: the Aboriginal dancers did walk-about hunting movements, but one bent down and mimed picking up a sheep and putting it into his tucker bag, in accordance with the words of the song. This brought a commonality of purpose to the performance, as dancers in Scottish and Irish style circled and inter-weaved with the Indigenous dancers so they encircled everyone in their passage. This could be interpreted as the British and Irish seeking to include Indigenous people in the dance with gestures of acceptance so as to promote social harmony.  The performance was said to be extremely popular because it was followed by loud cheers and a standing ovation from the audience (Joe McGhee email to the author 17 November, 2008). The ‘cultural integration’ performance of “Waltzing Matilda,” brought a greater response from the audience than the dance performance to the “Cuckoo” tune had brought the year before. This is possibly due to the significance of “Waltzing Matilda” as an iconic Australian song.

The concept of bringing British, Irish immigrants and Indigenous Australian dancers together was evident in the first episode of The First Australians SBS television series, that revealed that Indigenous people danced with ‘Red Coat’ members of the First Fleet on 29/1/1798 at Botany Bay (2008, 6:50-7:30). The dance was described as a ‘playground encounter’ in which they were trying to check each other out. Experimentation with inter-cultural music and dance performance is one way of facilitating cultural engagement between people from diverse cultural backgrounds.

Actually enacting a performance helps to move the band community beyond just writing a book about their music history, into interactive experiences related to their past and present music culture. Music performance can pose creative challenges such as how to relate to other ethnic groups. The idea of cultural integration was one way in which the band encouraged interaction and inclusion of performers who represented different ethnic music traditions. This politically active musical performance, therefore, may have potential for supporting and enabling social health and well-being in a culturally diverse society. This creative application of musical performance has some correspondence with notions of ‘performance ethnography’ -- a way of teaching through allowing people to view or experiment with inter-cultural relationships through dramatic performances that have a relationship to real-life issues that are of political concern (Alexander, 2005; Denzin, 2003). Several authors have discussed similar political applications of participatory health care as a form of community-based rehabilitation (Kronenberg et al., 2005).

Photograph 2: Nunukul Yuggera performing with Scottish and Irish dancers, bagpipes, drums and didgeridoo, at the 2006 Ipswich International Tattoo. Photographer: Joe McGhee. April 29-30, 2006.

FUNCTIONAL SIGNIFICANCE:   CONTRASTING MUSIC TRADITIONS

In reflecting on the Scottish and Indigenous Australian music traditions of Ipswich, there are many parallels between the functions of the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band and the Nunukul Yuggera Aboriginal Dance Troupe in society – even though one tradition has been translocated from Europe. Both groups are cultural custodians of ethnic music traditions in Ipswich. Historic photographs illustrate social change, such as Annie McClurg, the first female piper of the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band marching down Queen Street, Brisbane, with the band and visiting soldiers and sailors in the 1940s when women were first accepted as band members. A photograph of Nunukul Yuggera shows them returning to the traditional Yuggera performance of “Tuloo Dahlo” Fire Spirit Song, and the audience looks enthralled. Both the pipe band and the Aboriginal dance troupe are cultural curiosities.

The Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band has been a cultural ambassador for Ipswich for almost one hundred years. From the 1920s onward the band travelled extensively to inter-state highland gatherings. In the last five years, the Thistle band has represented Australia in competitions and festivals in New Zealand, France and Moscow. The Ipswich Thistle Pipe band was one of four Australian pipe bands to be selected to perform at the military Tattoo in Red Square, Moscow, that was broadcast to a television audience of 100 million people. The Nunukul Yuggera Dance Troupe is also a cultural ambassador for Ipswich and Australia. The troupe has performed at the Sydney Olympics and on international tours to Germany, London, Milan, Paris, Amsterdam, Berlin, Greece, Saudi Arabia, Taiwan, Korea, and New Zealand. The international performance potential of the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band and Nunukul Yuggera have only been realised in recent years, due to increased availability of budget-priced air travel and the improved policy and support for the community cultural development through the arts in Australia.

There is inter-generational sharing of music heritage and culture within each music community and with the general public. This sharing is important for community cultural education as it encourages better understanding of the cultural diversity of Australian society. Spending time with each different music community can be a form of ‘cultural tourism,’ in that it allows people to learn about music heritage and culture without even having to leave their home town. This can be an economic advantage to sustaining local music communities, and also capitalising on the market of people who may be less inclined to travel in times of economic downturn (Stocks, 2000: 241). Both groups are beneficiaries of government grants, but they also generate income through sale of merchandise, CDs, and receive payment for their performances. The revenue and public recognition helps to not only sustain the social and economic viability of the communities, but it also allows them to promote and safeguard their respective music heritage and cultures.

RESEARCH PROCESSES:  COMMUNITY OF DISCOVERY APPROACH

Through working with music communities in Ipswich (2003-2008) I developed a flexible approach and creative processes that could be customised to the needs of the different cultural groups, places and contexts. Four broad phases of musical community development are evident in the participatory action research music projects that I have conducted from 2003 to 2008.

Phase 1:  Getting to know the people and the music history/culture of the band; consultation and strategic planning

The first phase involved meeting with the band executive to discuss aims and objectives and to write a funding application.  A steering committee was formed by the band executive (including president, secretary, historian/archivist, and myself as project manager) and we drew up specifications for the book, and made a list of people who were knowledgeable about band history. We firstly met with the oldest former band members and supporters in a Music Memories group to engage participants in discussion of what they remembered about the band and their insights as to what should go in the book. I called this a ‘Community of Discovery’ approach because we encouraged people to initiate their own topics of discussion and to bounce ideas off one another. The meeting was taped and the narratives and insights were recorded verbatim for possible entry into the book. All participants gave signed consent for participation and inclusion of material that was produced.

The historical details were triangulated with newspaper accounts, photographic information, and cross-checked by past and present band members, two of whom had been in the band for fifty-two years. Listening carefully to conversations allowed me to encode the band’s music heritage and culture into an account that was aligned with people’s natural associations and topics of interest. I asked questions to clarify my understanding. The band’s publicity officer promoted the project in newspapers and radio to inform the public of the project and invited people to participate or send in memorabilia. 

Because there were many different perspectives, the steering committee encouraged members of the band, supporters, volunteers, tour director, the Mayor of Ipswich, and the Governor of Queensland to write personal accounts that described their own ideas and experiences. The aim was to represent each person’s view, regardless of their status, rather than giving a commentary from the perspective of an ‘expert.’ In this way, I shared the leadership roles and co-facilitated the research with the band executive who worked as co-researchers. The Community of Discovery approach resulted in the gradual development of a more widely shared understanding of the band’s history. This is similar to Gilbert Burgh’s (2006) concept of a Community of Inquiry, but more focussed on narrative than philosophy. 

Phase 2: Observing and participation: Evaluation, interpretation of well-being

Members of the steering committee and I started to take systematic oral histories. I checked my understandings with the other facilitators. The band’s historian helped me to collate news articles and we mapped out phases of the band history in ten year intervals. Long-serving band members identified names of people in photographs and started to compare and contrast major stages of band development. A prominent concern of current band members was to debate whom was most or least important to their history. This was a value judgement that I could not make as an outsider that only had records of the first fifty years of the band’s history from the newspaper articles and the Caledonian Society of Ipswich and the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band minute books. The pipe major settled the conjecture by advising me that the historical stages of the band aligned with the periods when particular pipe majors that were in office. We accepted his interpretation as being authoritative, but edited his verbatim description according to the wishes of his middle-aged son so the language was less colloquial. Families wrote their own stories and I came to see the close family connections that were evident at band meetings and social gatherings. 

Throughout the project, I attended performances and social events to get to know people and to experience the ethos and politics of the band first hand. It was with some frustration that I realised that the band history project was not the centre of the band’s attention and most band members were concerned with their performance duties and obligations of busy lifestyles. The pace of activity varied according to the demands of the band’s competition schedule. It was difficult to obtain personal accounts from people, especially concerning future visions for the band and wise sayings which the steering committee wanted to include. The bulk of photographs and information came in the final two weeks before publication – after the closing date that I set for entry of material to the book. I considered that multi-media formats may have been a better modality for capturing the musical accents and rhythms that I heard in people’s dramatic style of speech, but the steering committee were firmly committed to a hard-cover coffee table style of book with pictures and thematic topics that made it easy to pick up and read. I used the themes that were devised by the band and tried to emulate the character of the band in the informal conversational style of the book.

Phase 3: Co-operation, negotiation, decision making and conflict resolution

There was a high degree of cooperation throughout the project, but towards the end of there was conjecture from some current band members and steering committee about what should and should not go into print. Eventually the pipe major presented me with an official mission statement and essay about his vision for the band’s future. A younger band executive member who was related to the pipe major gave me an extended essay that showed an alternate point of view. There were some ethnical dilemmas, for example, a piper submitted a photograph of him playing the bagpipes on the top of Ayers Rock (Uluru) and insisted that it should be included in the band’s history book.  I checked with the Indigenous elders who are cultural custodians of Uluru, and they advised me by email, “That would be highly offensive. Your friend must be pulling your leg.” I discussed with the steering committee various views on cultural integration and the need to carefully negotiate views so as not to offend other ethnic groups. This led to questions concerning my role as a music researcher/project officer, and whether it was appropriate to advise the band on public display and promotion of their music heritage and culture.

An technologically-savvy editorial sub-committee of band members in their thirties took over the responsibility for the final version of the book in the last week before publication. The steering committee thereby conceded to a dynamic that gradually transferred responsibility willingly, or unwilling, to place trust in younger executive band members. The initial plan for the project was flexible enough to permit this inter-generational shift in decision-making as the project progressed. The band hall was very important as a secure base for meeting, networking, and storing historical memorabilia. Also our communication between meetings was through email and mobile phone conversations, with drafts circulated on CDs, made it expedient for younger band members to take the lead because they could communicate faster and make decisions more efficiently. There was possibly some inadvertent marginalisation of people who did not use this technology. 

Phase 4: Outcomes that address the expressed needs of the band

An important outcome was that there were opportunities to reconnect former band members and supporters with the present life of the band. People seemed to value the knowledge and insights of former band members who were seen as culture bearers and mentors to the current band. The project resulted in development of local cultural leadership through allowing the middle-aged band members to assert themselves through making important editorial decisions that controlled the final publication of the book. The publicity officer was highly effective in arranging advertisements that sponsored the cost of the book publication and raised the public profile of the band. 

The principles of self-determination and the Community of Discovery approach that I have described in this paper encourage creative collaboration between people of different ages and cultural backgrounds. The focus on social justice issues of equity was expressed by encouraging all people associated with the band to have a voice and to advocate for their views on future directions for the band. My role sometimes involved inter-generational negotiation and conflict resolution. By listening to one another we were able to negotiate a way forward and ensure that many different perspectives were presented through using direct written accounts and photographs supplied by band members. We worked in partnership with one another, accepting advice and directions from the band leaders for strategic planning. This sharing of knowledge, skills and creative collaboration resulted in a democratic contextual account of the band’s history that included people’s present ideas – many of which had not been openly expressed or documented before.

My observations and assessment revealed that the band had developed strategies for dealing with cultural diversity through incorporating cultural integration into the music performance at the annual Ipswich International Tattoos. There was a trend toward developing musical excellence that was identified through analysis of newspaper records, minutes, and ethnographies of band members and supporters. The band formed an effective Community of Discovery that acted upon their knowledge of the band’s history to critically reflect and influence new directions for the band’s future. This participatory action research process appeared to support inter-personal relationships and the health and well-being of the music communities.

CONCLUSION

Through my involvement as a Music Health professional in participatory music research projects in Ipswich, I have become aware of the importance of promoting democratic processes of cultural engagement, health and well-being within music communities. This paper reveals how the creative processes used in musical performance can have an impact on the politics of inter-cultural relationships of music communities in a particular geographical location. I have compared and contrasted the important social roles of the Nunukul Yuggera Aboriginal Dance Troupe and the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band as cultural ambassadors, and have outlined a Community of Discovery approach for facilitating people’s engagement with the hundred year history of the Ipswich Thistle Pipe band. These participatory action research methods led to a new style of music history publication in which band members and supporters included their own insights, reflections, and aspirations for the future of the band. Further research is needed to determine if there are long term benefits from people actively engaging and exerting influence over their music heritage and culture, either for their own health and well-being or for the sustainability of local music traditions. The forthcoming book, Turn of the Century: Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band 1909-2009, will be available for sale through the Ipswich Thistle Pipe Band website at http://www.ipswichthistle.com/. 

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